Historically populism has been a “grassroots resistance to encroachment by state and capitalist agencies on the basis of local traditions, customs and ethical norms” …. “ populism becomes a useful concept for configuring current as well as incipient developments both in the communist east as well as in the West. … populism has not emerged spontaneously during relatively “normal” times, but has always developed as a response to concrete threats to existing communities, lifestyles or other established relations.” (The Crisis, P. Piccone, pp. 202-04)
Populist thought and action has always been an attempt to restore the existence of the whole individual to life in the public sphere “rather than only a splintered economic or public persona. This is precisely what populism promises by vindicating concrete individuality rooted in communities, traditions, customs, etc.” (The Crisis, P. Piccone, p. 204)
Usually in American political discourse populism's image is reduced to the cliché of “pitchfork wielding farmers” or far right fanatics often of either the religious/millennial or militia types. However the historically sedimented motives and current momentum of such spontaneous movements have been lost on the American populace due to media manipulation and a universally degraded and distorted educational system.
At least since the presidential campaign of Ross Perot the populist slogan has been bandied about almost always opportunistically to secure various voting blocks which might not otherwise be harnessed for partisan purposes. Few have taken a serious look at the potential and possibilities of populist political self-understanding in America. When Perot’s “populist” communities and constituencies insisted on connecting with one another without his mediation or interference, Perot objected. So it was not difficult to see that Perot’s “use” of ‘populist’ slogans was for purely instrumental purposes, having no intention to promote the unfolding of concrete individuality and self-determining and self-sustaining communities. Perot had no intention to allow the spontaneous support that came his way to practically prefigure radical changes in democratic America. He wished to use it and then return it to the easily manipulable condition of alienated, massified individuals living in a homogenized and standardized culture and economy.
Bob McCarthy detected something of the populist rumblings in America locally here in Western NY in his Buffalo News Opinion piece entitled “Locals with pitchfork and torch.” He was referring, of course, to the ‘conspiratorial’ part played in the recent ‘Albany procedural coup,’ that reconfigured power in the State, by George Maziarz, HenryWojtaszek, Steve Pigeon and Anthony Baynes. McCarthy refers to these players as “upstate revolutionaries.”
Wow! I’ll have to re-check the definition of ‘revolution’ real soon. Because if that was a revolution I’ll eat my hat.
“We changed the way New York does business,” Baynes said. “And there were no tanks in the street.”
What unmitigated arrogant elitist Orwellian bullshit. Firstly, let’s disabuse ourselves of the notion that Maziarz and Co.’s actions led by the money of Tom Golisano has anything to do with Populism let alone revolution. It obviously doesn’t despite the ubiquitous pitchfork and torch metaphor. What happened in Albany was the proceduralist treachery of a corrupt bureaucratized party politics of entrenched politicos defending the interests of big business, not business in general let alone sustainable business and not for any other meaningful and transformative “reform” in NY. Of course they were also shoring up alliances to guarantee their own future power positions amongst the political class in Albany.
Maziarz has had numerous opportunities to take populist discontent in the county of Niagara and turn it into meaningful political power and the leverage for real change for local sustainability, improved quality of life and integrating the communities of Niagara County. However rather than spending time playing a part in organizing the organic potential of populist discontent in Niagara County in fighting the toxic waste business polluting our environment, helping to consolidate public services and mediating the political forces that perennially manages to keep Niagara County working against itself, Maziarz chooses to play bureau-boss in Albany. Maziarz too cuts with the other edge of the populist sword. Rather than grasping the power of populist discontent and its potential for real change in the quality of local life he chooses to play the part of shot-calling, cash dispensing local party boss. While he is objectively positioned in a region materially poised for real populist political power, his cynicism, careerism and Republican self-misunderstanding leave him wallowing in the shallow waters of state politics as usual, but waters in which real political leadership and creativity can easily founder and drown.
I believe it’s pretty well established that the merry-go-round of musical political chairs in our state capitol isn’t going to do anything for real political and economic change in Western NY. But the disconnect and vast divide between the people who, in a sense, are a “part of no-part” and the New Political Class is so starkly great that even the likes of Sarah Palin conceptualizes this divide between local interests and what she recently coined as the “party of government.” In her own down-home style Palin names the preponderance of political, economic and bureaucratic forces that have crystallized in the formation of a New Political Class that serves to systematically facilitate the centralist regime that looks out for the interests of mega-capital and the mega-corporations that keep the profits flowing to the top 1% or so of the “people.” But this class analysis applies as much to the politicos of Albany as it does the political professionals of Washington, D.C.
It is the people who are a “part of no-part”-- especially not a part of that sector of the population represented by Palin’s concept of the “party of government” -- who manifest the populist discontent of the country. However just as Perot was not to be trusted in ’92 and ’96, so also Palin is not to be trusted since her interests are also not genuinely populist. She is a New Class wannabee manipulating every imaginable constituency in her bid to be the first woman President of the United States. So her sword also clearly cuts in more than one direction.
While the local state party politicos, especially DelMonte/Thompson, Stachowski and Maziarz fight against or ignore one another, the common issues of restoring our environment, regaining control of our local parks, creating a sustainable economy and expropriating our rights to water power go essentially unaddressed. Although efforts such as Dennis Gabryszak’s to return profits from unused power sold on the open market back to the region’s Economic Development Fund is a move in the right direction I wouldn’t hold my breath that we see that money any time soon, nor that this effort sparks any further consciousness of the political will and self-identity which such demands could ignite.
Until the people and the politicos can think beyond party politics, corporate configurations of the markets and centralist control of local economy and culture, the sword of politics, which seems to be slashing against those interests which continue to rape local economies and civic autonomy, will surely, as history proves, cut hardest against us on the backswing.
Lastly, it should be clear that populism privileges politics over economism and the bureaucratization and corporatization of culture as the source of our redemption and vindication as American communities, that is, as a confederation of communities and regions that still believe in self-maintaining and self-determining localities as the source and sustenance of the autonomous, responsible, not to mention, happy democratic individual. The values and preference that make a people free and strong are not determinable for us by de-localized professionals, bureaucrats, lawyers, financiers, social engineering experts, business specialists, technocrats and Ivy League professors. Populism is first and foremost about taking back the political sphere and the public realm of democracy as the lifestream of the civic and spiritual autonomy that embodies and assures any possibility of the good life.